UkraineRussia war Russian regions historically Ukrainian Zelensky claims

As concern grows that Russia will invade Ukraine, BBC correspondents gauge the public mood in Moscow and Kyiv on whether the crisis could lead to a wider war in Europe. For Russians this all brings back memories of what happened when President Putin annexed Crimea in 2014 and people queued for hours to get cash. Russian companies could end up cutting hours or stopping production as sanctions bite. As well as their savings falling in value, many Russians are predicted to lose their jobs as the economy reels from being cut off from financial markets in the West. But by Monday customers of Russia's biggest state-backed bank, Sberbank, told BBC Russian they could not order cash via the app at all - they had to go to its office and sign a form to do so.

It also geolocated combat clashes to the north-west of Bakhmut, west of Donetsk city and south of Robotyne. Russian forces have advanced near the heavily-contested eastern town of Avdiivka, currently held by Ukraine, according to reports. Thank you for following The Telegraph’s live coverage of the war in Ukraine. The irredentist claims to the regions have long been made by Ukrainian nationalists.

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He told me that, when researchers added the option “I don’t want to answer this question,” twelve per cent of those surveyed opted for this answer—a number that he presumed, given the atmosphere, was made up nearly entirely of those who opposed the war. And that figure came from among those who agreed to participate at all; Miniailo suspected that the polls were not capturing a majority of the real antiwar sentiment, whatever its size. Beginning in spring 2014, Ukrainian attitudes toward Russia begin to massively change—not because of any state-directed propaganda campaigns but in response to Putin’s military aggression.

• Additionally, data suggests that up to 30% of Russians say they’re not closely following the situation in Ukraine, she says.









• Millions of Russians like him are starting to feel the effect of Western economic sanctions designed to punish the country for invading neighbouring Ukraine.









• But, at the same time, I can understand why this might seem like sophistry to Ukrainians who have lost their homes, their friends, and seen their fellow Ukrainians tortured and murdered.

His work focuses on the Premier League, LaLiga, MLS, Liga MX and the global game. On Wednesday, one week after the invasion began, the first Russian official resigned from his position at a global organisation in protest. Boris Lvin was a senior advisor to Russia’s representative at the World Bank and had worked at the institution for 24 years.

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Volkov says these polls are conducted face-to-face, and people are assured of anonymity. Still, he notes, the survey results reveal at least as much about what people are willing to say in public than about how they truly feel. Going to war is one of Russians’ greatest fears, according to the Levada Center, an independent pollster. And after Mr. Putin’s angry speech and his cryptic televised meeting with his Security Council on Monday, Russians realized that possibility was lurching closer toward becoming reality. For months, Russians of all political stripes tuned out American warnings that their country could soon invade Ukraine, dismissing them as an outlandish concoction in the West’s disinformation war with the Kremlin.

• On the next block, fragments had struck the façade of a neoclassical building that once housed Ukraine’s first sovereign Congress, during a previous, short-lived attempt at independence, just before the country’s absorption by the Soviet Union.









• Then, as now, except for a few missile attacks, Lviv is probably one of the safest places to be in Ukraine, far from the front lines in the east and the south.









• One pattern identified by pollsters is that most Russians say they would support peace talks to end the fighting.









• But, as Belfast-based Russian academic Aleksandr Titov has observed, Russia is nonetheless living through a crisis.

A short respite came with the country’s independence, but then, in 2014, Vladimir Putin’s aggressions began in Crimea, and carried on afterward in the Donbas. The struggle for identity is further complicated by the fact that many Ukrainians grew up in Russian-speaking households. But Putin’s invasion has accelerated a growing sense of a need to reassert a Ukrainian identity once and for all. "The sooner that we're able to continue to provide the levels of support that we have," he said, "the better, not only for Ukraine, but for the international community." However, outside these pro-government circles, the latest actions by the Russian military have considerably less support. Pro-government circles echo Putin’s line, but criticism of the military’s action grows among public figures and Russians.

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But outcries of anger were not only felt on the streets of Moscow, where the Guardian did not encounter support for the military assault. A fresh poll by the independent Levada Center released on Thursday showed that only 45% of Russians stood in favour of the recognition move that preceded Thursday morning’s dramatic events. The Ukrainian administrator said the centre, which aims to promote the language, traditions and identity of a country Vladimir Putin denied the legitimacy of as a modern state in his speech on Monday, would be shut for the “coming period”. The mood in Moscow was dark and sombre hours after Putin had announced that he was launching a broad military offensive targeting Ukraine. Police had made at least 1,702 arrest in 53 Russian cities as of Thursday evening, according to the OVD-Info monitor, as they cracked down on the unsanctioned protests. https://rentry.co/ of the arrests were made in Moscow and St Petersburg, where the crowds were largest.

• But ordinary Russians, many of whom get their information from state-controlled television which repeats many of the Kremlin's lines, are expected to start noticing differences to their lives soon.









• On some level, the data likely reflect an impulse, whether born of fear or passivity, to repeat approved messages rather than articulate your own.









• Russian companies could end up cutting hours or stopping production as sanctions bite.









• Even before the war, Russia was not the kind of place where you willy-nilly shared your political beliefs with strangers, let alone with those who called out of the blue.









• “Everyone has their own opinion but in general, I believe that children and teenagers should not directly express an ardent point of view about politics, and about the special military operation.