RussiaUkraine What do young Russians think about the war RussiaUkraine war

According to the Athena Project, a collective of sociologists and I.T. Twenty-one per cent of TV viewers didn’t know the goal of the operation. Then, as now, except for a few missile attacks, Lviv is probably one of the safest places to be in Ukraine, far from the front lines in the east and the south. Even so, rather than taking place in different public locations around the city, as usual, the forum was convened in an underground theatre on the hilltop campus of Ukrainian Catholic University, a ten-minute drive from the city center. There, for three days, panelists addressed topics related to Ukraine, Russia, war, and culture. On some level, the data likely reflect an impulse, whether born of fear or passivity, to repeat approved messages rather than articulate your own.

At demonstrations, people are detained for several days or fined. Now, any anti-war speech can result in up to 15 years of imprisonment. Some of my friends are leaving the country right now, and I understand them. In mid-March, Aleksei Miniailo, a former social entrepreneur and current opposition politician, oversaw another telephone survey with the aim of trying to capture the effects of fear and propaganda on survey data.

How Do Ukrainians Think About Russians Now?

The ministry also confirmed the deaths of 89 military personnel after a Ukrainian missile struck a Russian military site in Makiyivka in the Donetsk region on New Year's Eve 2022. Opponents of Russia's war in Ukraine and President Vladimir Putin have not gained any noticeable support since the conflict began. Then 69 € per month.Complete digital access to quality FT journalism on any device.

• International sanctions have not brought Russia to the brink of 1990s-style economic collapse.









• For centuries, Ukrainians have struggled against Russian cultural dominance.









• But the problem with measuring public opinion in a country under authoritarian rule and censorship, Botchkovar says, is that the data are highly imperfect.









• It’s sunny, people are taking selfies on Red Square, while a long convoy of National Guard buses rolls by the Kremlin walls.

While 80% of poll respondents say they support Russia's military, some have mixed feelings. The roots of Russia's invasion of Ukraine go back decades and run deep. The current conflict is more than one country fighting to take over another; it is — in the words of one U.S. official — a shift in "the world order."Here are some helpful stories to make sense of it all. Some of the support is more passive, Botchkovar says, coming from Russian citizens who’ve placed their faith in Putin as a political leader, but who may not necessarily vocalize that support. The common thread, she says, is a deep distrust of the West, rooted in decades of state propaganda. To put it simply, before launching an offensive, it’s worth thinking about who will fight in that offensive and how willingly, and to what extent an active conflict will prompt people to rally around Putin.

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The evidence suggests that even in the best-case scenario, the mobilization effect will be nonexistent. One pattern identified by pollsters is that most Russians say they would support peace talks to end the fighting. But what kind of guarantees they would give independent Ukraine is not yet clear. From fleeting impressions and conversations it is hard to draw firm conclusions.

I asked him how he felt about the notion of justifiable hatred in the context of Ukraine. Even so, the messages made for some jarring moments for some of those present, featuring as they often did ultra-patriotic and sometimes militaristic declarations. Many of the Ukrainian writers at the forum also expressed similar sentiments. In a panel I moderated, the Ukrainian historian and author Olena Stiazhkina began her remarks by expressing her gratitude to the Ukrainian armed forces for their defense of the homeland. “We’re all living on credit given to us by the Armed Forces of Ukraine,” she said.

You can be horrified by what Russia has done and is doing—as of course I am—and, at the same time, be concerned about dehumanizing a whole group of people in response. But, at the same time, I can understand why this might seem like sophistry to Ukrainians who have lost their homes, their friends, and seen their fellow Ukrainians tortured and murdered. None of us wanted this war, and we stand in opposition to Russian President Vladimir Putin’s actions.

• He signed a decree on Wednesday calling for the preservation of Ukrainian identity in the “historically inhabited lands” of Krasnodar, Belgorod, Bryansk, Voronezh, Kursk and Rostov, which border Ukraine to the north and east.









• Russians believe the official propaganda that there was a “democratic referendum” in Crimea, that Ukrainians shot down Malaysia Airlines Flight 17, that there is a civil war in Ukraine , and that there are no Russian troops in eastern Ukraine.









• Yanukovych signed the Kharkiv Accords extending the Black Sea Fleet basing agreement to 2042, and Ukraine adopted a ‘non-bloc’ foreign policy and changed its approach to national identity questions such as the Holodomor.









• Ukraine is shifting its military strategy to “active defence” after its counter-offensive last year failed to deliver significant gains.









• Now it has downgraded the travel warning for the regions to “all but essential travel”, while maintaining the previous warning in the rest of Ukraine.









• “My husband had already come here to work, and I arrived with our child as the shooting began,” she told Al Jazeera, adding that support from Russian authorities was not as forthcoming as she would have liked.

A major gulf in attitudes rose regarding Crimea, whose annexation was supported by 87 percent of Russians and opposed by 69 percent of Ukrainians. In Russia, both pro-Putin supporters and anti-Putin oppositionists like Alexei Navalny and Mikhail Khodorkovsky backed the annexation of Crimea. Seventy-nine percent of Russians linked that action to the revival of Russia as a great power and a return to Russia’s rightful dominance of the former Soviet Union.

• I haven’t lived with my parents for many years, but even if I did, I wouldn’t argue with them, because it’s their business what to think.









• Due to Russian cards getting blocked and Russia being disconnected from SWIFT (the international payment system), my family had to send me some money in advance, just in case, and I had to withdraw it really quickly before I lost access to it.









• And other specialised apps, like Matlab (a programming and computing platform) and Coursera (an online course platform).









• Ukraine's flirtation with NATO membership pushed those fears into overdrive.